Sunshine Coast Beneath the Wisteria supporter, Ian
Edwards recently penned the following essay and received a perfect score of 100
per cent.
Ian, of Dicky Beach near Caloundra, is presently studying subjects that
help him understand climate change and this essay suggests he has a remarkably
clear understanding of the dilemma, how and why it is happening, and how and
why the skeptics continue to confuse the issue and so delay societal response.
Reflections on the Following Quote in the Context
of Anthropogenic Climate Change …and Nathan from Brisvegas
by Ian Edwards
Ian Edwards. |
Abstract
In this essay I provide
research contrary to that of Hoffman (2011) that asserts that an aggressive
decarbonisation of the world economy is possible utilising currently available
wind, water and solar technologies. Optimistic as this sounds, I temper this
within the main body of my work that highlights that the problems we face are
not technical, they are informational and political. In reference to a comment
posted on an ABC blog from “Nathan from BrisVegas” I draw this theme out
through personal reflection, in an Australian context, of the overwhelming
evidence of climate change, and the barriers that are preventing the transformation
that Hoffman so rightly points out is critical to reduce the risk of the worst
impacts of anthropogenic climate change to an acceptable level.
Introduction
The above comment was posted
on the ABC news website in response to an article titled “Reporting climate
Change in Australian papers” (Aedy, 2013). I’ll be straight, I agree with much
of it. Having spent many hours supporting climate change advocacy groups in
Canada and Australia, it’s hard not to. Also as a trained Chartered Accountant
I’m risk averse. And as the father of a six year old, the pit in my stomach
drops ever deeper as I witness what I would consider woefully inadequate
climate change policy in both these countries retract up the proverbial miner’s
shaft. But does my opinion have any basis? Cognitive barriers can filter out communication
inconsistent with one’s own world view (Festinger, 1957).
Perhaps my relatively recent
fatherhood and risk averse nature exposes me to some sort of warmest religion,
blinding me to the societal perils of taking meaningful climate change action,
and making me particularly susceptible to conspiracy theories about the undue
influence in our political system of right wing media and mining magnates.
By decomposing Nathan’s comment
into its main themes the purpose of this paper is twofold: to explore whether
there’s any basis in his accusations and to briefly explore what this means in
the context of the Hoffman’s quote.
The garbage fed to us
by the Murdochracy
I assume that “Murdochcracy”
refers to Rupert Murdoch, the global media mogul. Mr Murdoch and his family
hold 39% of the voting rights of News Corp (News) that owns 23% of
newspaper titles sold in this country (Flew, 2013).
This includes Australia’s only
nationally circulated daily, The Australian. With a weekly circulation of over
seventeen million copies (59% market share) it’s safe to assume that News
entertains a fair level of political influence (Flew, 2013).
Recently implicated in a phone
tapping scandal in the United Kingdom (BBC, 2012) Mr Murdoch represents a
controversial figure, but how do his papers stack up with respect to climate
change?
A recent review of climate
science in Australian newspapers compared reporting of the issue between
February and April of 2011 and 2012 (Bacon, 2013). In the whole it found an
increasing bias of reporting towards non-scientific commentators sceptical of
the science. Only a small proportion of articles actually referred to
peer-reviewed publications and where they did they were often disputed with
unsubstantiated counter-argument. At the forefront of scepticism was Andrew
Bolt, a commentator and daily talk show host with no scientific training. He
has received much coverage from News.
News’ papers also lead the
scepticism trend with New South Wales’s Daily Telegraph, Victoria’s Herald
Sun and the Northern Territory News devoting 73%, 81% and 62% of climate
related article words to rejection of the science and carbon policy. Although
prima facie Nathan’s accusations appear to have merit, this is only so if the
Murdochracy scepticism has none.
Overwhelming Evidence
The latest International Panel
for Climate Change (IPCC) report informs us that the evidence of climate change
is unequivocal and that it is extremely likely that human activity is the
predominant causal factor (IPCC, 2013). This terminology maintains an evolution
of increasing assuredness since the Institute’s First Assessment Report in
1990. It reflects a mounting body of evidence, which is predicated on empirical
observation and model hind-casting that fails to reflect the past without a
fingerprint of industrial activity (Stott et al., 2006). Observation is varied
comprising increasing global terrestrial and aquatic temperatures; a melting
cryosphere, at both of the poles and the glaciers; sea level rise; and a
multitude of biological behaviour such as earlier breeding, migration pattern
changes and movement of heat sensitive species pole ward and to higher
altitudes (Root et al., 2003; IPCC, 2013). But Mr Bolt advises us that
the IPCC’s findings are highly contested in the field (e.g. see Bolt (2013)).
Evidence very much contradicts this assertion.
Five studies conducted between
2004 and 2013 (Oreskes, 2004; Doran & Zimmerman, 2009; Anderegg et
al., 2010; Cook et al., 2013; Powell, 2013) examined climate change related
papers and researchers to determine the degree of agreement amongst scientists
concerning a changing climate and humanity as the main causal factor. Although each
applied slightly different criteria they all found at least 95% consensus of
both assertions. Consensus was so complete in Powell’s study that one
commentator quipped that “your odds of knowing someone who believes aliens walk amongst us
disguised as humans are twenty times
greater than finding a climate sceptic in a group of climate scientists” (Wagner, 2012).
Exaggeration, Over--‐Consumption, Self--‐Aggrandisement and Ignorance
Whilst each of the above
traits contains the propensity to influence climate change action, it’s beyond
the scope of this paper (and the author’s courage) to deal with them all. Given
its relationship with environmental degradation and our current economic
system, I will challenge Nathan’s accusations of “over-consumption” and
“ignorance”.
Like so many other countries,
consumption is encouraged in Australia.
Consumer confidence and Gross
Domestic Product (GDP) is wielded from the political pulpit and nightly news as
a sign of economic progress. A poor proxy for standard of living, GDP measures
how much we as a society consume and invest. Little regard is applied to the
quality of that consumption or investment, how it is distributed, or societal
and economic costs incurred to drive it.
As a necessary factor of
capitalism consumerism is king. It transforms our political system into a
homogenised landscape obsessed with job and economic growth, determined by our
propensity to consume. But do we over-consume and what does this term mean? Over-consumption
refers to a condition where consumption has exceeded sustainable ecosystem
capacity (Princen, 2001). From a national perspective, due to our small
population and large landmass, we are well within our limits. In 2012 we barely
consumed half of our bio-capacity on a per capita basis (GFN, 2012). From a
global perspective the picture is not so rosy. If the rest of the world
consumed like Australians we’d need 3.76 planets to sustain us (GFN, 2012). As
climate change is a global issue, I’d say chalk up another to Nathan.
Ignorance can be measured in
many ways. In keeping with the theme however what do Australians know about
climate change? There appears little current research that explores to what extent
Australians understand this topic. If our politicians are any indication it would
appear that they understand little. Our current prime minister has famously
called the science “crap” (Rintoul, 2009) and Clive Palmer, whose party will
soon wield much power in our senate can’t see what all the fuss is about. After
all “we
know that 97 per cent of the world's carbon comes from natural sources. Why don't
we have money to look at how we
can reduce the overall carbon signature by reducing it from nature, not
just from industry”1 (White, 2014).
A proxy for understanding may
be attitude. Although this metric tends to bounce around, latest polls indicate
that climate change concerns are increasing (e.g. see EMC, 2014). We don’t have
enough information to call Nathan on this one but we can forgive his exuberance
given our current leading politicians’ performance.
This statement is so
nonsensical and off the planet that it’s difficult to even associate it with a
misinterpretation of any scientific understanding beyond consensus figures as
discussed above. Pre-industrial times the carbon cycle was in balance with CO2 moving
between ocean, land and atmosphere (Eggleton, 2013). That’s no longer the case
and that of course is the problem.
Failings and Lack of
Integrity as Individuals and a Society
A former prime minister called
climate change the “great moral, environmental and economic challenge of our
age” (Rudd, 2009) and for good reason. It seems nonsensical and extremely
unjust that those who contributed less than 5% of accumulated GHG emissions are
the most vulnerable to climate change affects (Huq & Ayers, 2007). It’s the
developing nations and the poor, due to lack of access to resource and often geographical
disadvantage, that will constitute the first climate change victims (Stern,
2007). Additionally, should those currently capable of decision fail to address
this issue, it’s our children and future generations who will bear the
consequences.
So how has Australia fared in
this plight to protect the voiceless? In one word: poorly. Total annual GHG
emissions increased 36%2 from 1990 to 2011 with per capita emissions up 7%2.
Emissions per capita as at 2011 were over four times the global average, 35%3 higher
than the USA and 250%4 greater than China. A G20 pledge to reduce
fossil fuel subsidies has fallen flat (Morris, 2014). Whilst the elephant in
the climate room is undeniably China, Australia’s track record hardly affords
it the high road. Despite positive policy in recent years by way of renewable
energy targets and carbon pricing (currently at riskwith a new government),
Nathan once again gets a tick. Collectively there is little doubt that Australia
lacks climate change integrity.
What it all means
In a generalised context,
Nathan appears close to the mark. A biased press perverts a critical message to
an ignorant populace, ensconced in a consumption culture, with little regard or
knowledge of ethical consequence.
Indeed, it’s a theme that
could be applied to many other countries of the North. Since the majority of
the countries formally recognised the gravity of climate change through
agreement of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
(UNFCCC) in 1992, annual global GHG emissions have increased by 37%5. This
despite agreements such as the Calculation based on data
sourced from WRI (2014). 2-5 Ibid. Kyoto Protocol, four IPCC
Assessment Reports and numerous international meetings including nineteen
Conferences of the Parties.
Atmospheric concentration of
CO2 are now at 401.30 ppm (NOAA, 2014). A level not apparent in ice core
samples that date back 800,000 years and in 15 million years’ worth of shells
once buried in deep sea sediment (Tripati et al., 2009; IPCC, 2013).
Paleoclimatic analysis indicates that the last time GHG concentrations mirrored
current levels temperatures were 3°C to 6°C higher and the sea level was 25 to
40 metres higher than present times (Tripati et al., 2009).
This hardly seems consistent
with the 2°C “guardrail” adopted in the Copenhagen Accord (C2ES,
2009): a figure that has evolved more through political expedience than
rigorous science and one that evidence indicates may be insufficient to prevent
climate catastrophe (Climate Commission, 2011).
Hope?
Studies by Jacobson and Delucchi
(2011) and BZE (2011) argue that requisite technologies currently exist to aggressively
decarbonise our energy systems. While BZE’s study is Australian centric,
Jacobson and Delucchi (2011) assert decarbonisation could be achieved on a
global scale by 2030 based on water, solar and wind power for the same cost as
a continuation of fossil fuel based infrastructure. Decarbonisation at this
rate would reconfigure GHG emissions on a trajectory commensurate to averting
catastrophic climate change. The problem they assert is not the technology but
the political will. Oreskes and Conway (2010) claim that the bedrock of much of
this will has been eroded by “merchants of doubt”. Initially comprised of a key
group of influential and respected scientists and later by a bevy of public
relation experts they emphasise a recurring theme that has stymied policy
related to smoking, acid rain, climate change and many others. These merchants
sow doubt in the public sphere regarding science that they consider to threaten
an agenda of “free market fundamentalism”, an ideology that confers total faith
in markets and economic growth to generate prosperity for all.
Empirically, market faith is
misplaced generating societal costs not considered nor borne by market
participants. These externalities or market failures arise in many guises
including inequitable distribution of wealth and environmental degradation.
Climate change is “the greatest market failure the world has seen” (Stern,
2007).
Conceptually perpetual growth
is also misplaced. In congruence with Hoffman’s quote, Daly and Cobb
(1994) assert that by its very definition growth must culminate in ‘grown’ at
which point if the health of a system is to be maintained it must transform to a
steady state. They argue along Malthusian lines for limits to
not only consumption but controversially to births.
Our current economic and
political system is millennia away from these concepts. And if vested interests
have their way will remain so.
Imposed limits to consumption
and energy technologies implicit in each of the above have negative impacts on
certain industries. In particular the fossil fuel industry would ultimately
bear societal costs that it currently evades and relinquish US$28 trillion in
non-burnable carbon assets (Kepler Cheuvreux, 2014). Allegations are aplenty
of this industry’s involvement in funding the merchants of doubt (e.g. see
Greenpeace USA (2013)). After all, a uniformed, docile proletariat resembles
little risk to a profit model’s status quo.
Summary
Hoffman lays out the outcomes
required to attain a climate friendly world.
Nathan lays out the initial
challenges. Against a backdrop of an economic system that clearly favours some
to the detriment of many, that motivates behaviour contrary to that required
and that is favoured by powerful vested interests, there are glimmers of hope. The
system, as for our changing climate, has been derived from anthropogenic
factors and as such, short of climate tipping points, can be changed by these.
This is not a comet hurtling to earth over which we have no control. Strangely
I take comfort in that. If things are to change then Nathan’s challenges must
be met. This will require a paradigm shift every bit as significant as
Hoffman’s outcomes. In the absence of an impartial press and knowledgeable
populace, it is incumbent on us as climate change students to help set the
record straight. Quite frankly if we don’t act, who will? At the risk of sounding
corny and clichéd the words of Albert Einstein come to mind, “Those who have
the knowledge have the responsibility to act”.
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